“We’re Losing Ground”: DA Jordan, Local Officials Join Growing Call for Action as State Human Trafficking Report Reveals Rural Vulnerabilities
By Ashleigh Morris
FORT EDWARD - The quiet roads and wooded stretches of Washington County might seem a world away from the kind of organized criminal activity typically associated with human trafficking—but according to local law enforcement, they are not. A new report released by the New York State Assembly Minority Conference confirms what prosecutors and advocates across the Capital Region have feared for years: human trafficking is here, and the systems meant to fight it are failing—particularly in rural communities.
Washington County District Attorney J. Anthony Jordan was among the state officials who helped shape the findings of the Assembly’s Human Trafficking Task Force Report, a comprehensive document based on testimony from nearly 200 stakeholders across eight regional forums.
“We’re losing ground,” Jordan said at the Capital Region forum. “What the state has done through bail reform and other criminal justice changes is remove the tools we had to intervene. Now, we’re just hoping people survive long enough to make it to help.”
Rural Areas Hit Hard by Policy Failures
In rural parts of Washington, Rensselaer, and Saratoga counties, victims of trafficking often have fewer options—and farther distances to travel—for help. There are no local trafficking-specific shelters. Victims are often placed in motels with low security, where they remain vulnerable to traffickers.
“Emergency housing is not just a service—it’s a lifeline,” the report states. “And in most rural counties, it’s either non-existent or dangerously inadequate.” The New York State Office of Temporary and Disability Assistance (OTDA), which is tasked with funding shelter services, has come under scrutiny in the report for failing to fulfill its responsibilities. Local nonprofits say the process for obtaining reimbursement is so bogged down in red tape that some organizations are waiting six to twelve months to be paid for services already provided.
Jordan emphasized the local toll: “If a trafficking survivor walks into our system, we can’t say, ‘We’ll get back to you in six months with a bed.’ That person is gone. She’s either back on the street, back with her trafficker, or worse.”
Bail Reform and the Breakdown of Intervention
Much of Jordan’s frustration centers on bail reform laws passed in 2019, which dramatically limited judges’ ability to detain low-level offenders—even those with clear ties to trafficking and substance use.
“Drug addiction is often at the root of the sex trafficking cases I’ve dealt with,” Jordan told task force members. “One of the many failings of bail reform is the near elimination of the court’s ability to utilize the Judicial Diversion Program.” That program once allowed judges to set bail and offer court-supervised drug treatment in exchange for reduced sentencing—a vital path out for people caught in the cycle of exploitation.
“Now, an individual is given Narcan, stabilized in a hospital, and let go because the hospital is prohibited from holding them,” he continued. “There is no safe place for them to go, and unfortunately, the cycle continues.”
Other law enforcement voices echoed this concern. “Before bail reform, we had a window to intervene. We could keep someone overnight and start the process of connecting them with services,” said Erie County Undersheriff William Cooley. “Now, most of them are back on the street before we finish the paperwork.”
Assemblyman Scott Bendett (R,C-Sand Lake), who represents parts of Washington, Rensselaer, and Columbia counties, has been vocal about the unintended consequences of these reforms. “We cannot allow traffickers to operate freely while victims struggle for basic support,” Bendett said. “It’s time for the state to stop reacting and start leading the fight against this horrific crime.”
The Risk of Silence in Rural Communities
In smaller towns and farming communities, trafficking can take a different form than in cities. It’s often less visible, tied to labor exploitation, domestic abuse, or opioid dependency. Victims may not recognize their own exploitation—or may fear they won’t be believed.
In Columbia and Rensselaer counties, nonprofit staff shared stories of scrambling to place survivors in temporary housing, only to be told the nearest shelter with a vacancy was over an hour away. One advocate, speaking under condition of anonymity due to client privacy, described paying out of pocket for a motel room to get a teen victim through the night. “It’s not just a funding issue—it’s a safety issue,” she said. “And every delay forces us to choose between taking on financial risk or leaving someone in danger. That’s not a choice any agency should have to make.”
“Trafficking isn’t just something that happens in dark alleys in the city,” said Kellyann Kostyal-Larrier, executive director of Fearless! Hudson Valley, Inc., a nonprofit serving victims in nearby counties. “It happens in barns, restaurants, nail salons, and homes. It happens in plain sight.”
For rural law enforcement, the challenge is compounded by limited staff and a lack of consistent training. Several police chiefs noted the absence of standardized protocols. “There are 62 counties in New York, and every one has a different approach to identifying and supporting trafficking victims,” the report states. Skaneateles Police Chief Scott Heggelke emphasized the need for better virtual training. “It’s the patrol officer on a domestic call or a traffic stop who will most likely encounter a victim. If they don’t know what to look for, that chance is lost.”
A System That “Revictimizes” Survivors
In addition to housing and legal barriers, the report identified a number of ways the current system puts survivors at risk. Discovery reform laws now require prosecutors to hand over names and contact information of witnesses—including victims—to defense attorneys early in the process.
Jordan spoke to this directly: “A judge cannot redact something thoroughly enough to protect the identities of those with useful information. And judges are reluctant to issue protective orders. It’s a huge barrier.”
The result is fewer victims coming forward, and more cases falling apart. “They’re afraid, and rightfully so,” said Nassau County ADA Christine Guida. “There’s no way to protect their privacy or safety under the current law.”
What the Task Force Recommends
The report includes dozens of recommendations, aimed at what Bendett called “getting serious about this fight.” Among them:
First, the state must increase funding for emergency and long-term housing for trafficking survivors. Nonprofits cannot continue to operate as lenders, waiting months for reimbursement. The task force suggests a dedicated block grant or a flexible funding stream, so housing can be provided on demand.
Second, lawmakers must reconsider bail and discovery reforms that have removed judicial discretion and put victims at risk. Judges should be allowed to consider dangerousness when setting bail and should have clearer authority to shield victim identities.
Third, training and coordination need to be standardized across counties. From Washington County to western New York, law enforcement needs access to the same tools, knowledge, and resources. The report proposes that the Division of Criminal Justice Services (DCJS) create a centralized human trafficking hub and expand its training programs.
Fourth, new legislation should increase penalties for traffickers, while creating more options for victims—especially young people—to access services without facing criminal charges themselves.
Finally, rural voices must be part of the solution. As DA Jordan noted, “We’re the front line, and we’re not being heard. We know our communities. We know what’s working and what’s not. The state needs to listen.”
A Wake-Up Call for the Capital Region
As Assemblyman Bendett put it: “New York has poured billions into new spending, yet those on the front lines of the human trafficking crisis—survivors, law enforcement, and nonprofits—continue to be underfunded and ignored.”
For the towns, villages, and farmlands that stretch across the eastern side of the state, the message is clear: trafficking isn’t a downstate problem, and it isn’t going away on its own. In fact, without decisive action from Albany, the burden will continue to fall on rural communities already stretched thin.
“Somebody has to fight for the victims,” Jordan said. “We’re trying. But the system as it stands now makes that harder every day.”